נעלים אנגליות מהמאה ה- 12

תיאור החפץ:

בעבודה זאת התמקדתי בשימושי נעלים באנגליה בימי הביניים. בעת כתיבת העבודה השתמשתי בשתי נעלים אותן מצאתי בתערוכה של מוזיאון לונדון. הנעל הראשונה (למעלה) נמצאה במאה 12 בעיר יורק. הנעל השנייה (למטה) נמצאה במאה 14 בלונדון. בניתוח ויזואלי של הנעליים ניתן לראות את השינויים באופנה – עור ושימוש בשרוכים.

סיכום של מסקנות העבודה:

בעבודה הזאת ניתחתי את מצב החיים של סנדלרים בימי הביניים, טכנולוגית ייצור נעליים, שימוש בנעליים, אופנת הנעליים וסוגי הנעליים בימי הביניים. הגעתי למסקנות האלה: אף על פי שמדינה השפיעה על ייצור ואיכות הנעליים סנדלרים היו יותר ויותר עשירים. יש שינוי בטכנולוגית ייצור נעליים – עד כיבוש של ויליאם עשו נעליים רק בעזרת חלק עור יחיד. אחרי הכיבוש התחילו לעשות תור נעליים ומהתחלת מאה 15 השתמשו בקונסטרוקציה אמרה. במאות 13-15 חשבו שנעליים צרות הן אפנתיות. הכנסייה חשבה שצריך להתלבש יותר צנוע ואסרה לנעול אותן. בהתחלת מאה 15 הכנסייה הסכימה שאפשר לנעול נעליים אלה רק עם הן לא מוזרות. בימי הביניים ייצרו נעליים לפי הזמנות ובמידות מיוחדות – גם לילדים וגם למבוגרים.

מקורות ראשוניים:

Medieval Sourcebook: The Chronicle of "Benedict of Peterborough": The Death of King Henry II, 1189

And the conference having ended thus, Philip, the king of France, withdrawing thence took La Ferte Bernard and then, one after another, Montfort, Maletable, Beaumont and Ballon, where he stayed for a period of three days after its capture. And then, coming to Le Mans on the Lord’s day, pretending to move on Tours, the next Monday, when the king of England and his men were seen to be safely away from the end of the advance of the king of France, Philip placed his army to make an assault on the city. Stephen of Tours, the seneschal of Anjou, on seeing this put fire to the suburb. Truly at once the flame, growing immensely and leaping the walls, set the city on fire. The French, seeing this, came to a certain stone bridge, where Geoffrey de Bruillon and many with him on the side of the king of England ran to meet them, desiring to destroy the bridge; where a large struggle occurred; and a great many men on each side were slain by the sword in this struggle. In it however that Geoffrey was captured and wounded in the leg, and many others from the army of the king of England were captured, and still others, losing control, turned in flight, wishing to find refuge in the city. But the French entered the city. The king of England, seeing this, despairing for himself and going against his promise, fled with seventy knights. Truly he had promised the citizens of that city that he would not withdraw from them, because his father was buried there and because he had been born there and loved that city more than all others. The king of France pursued him for three miles; and if the stream through which the French had crossed had not been immensely high, they would have chased the other fleeing men with such great speed that, as it is said publicly, all would have been captured. Also, many Welshmen were killed in this fight.

However, the king of England came with few of his men to Chinon, and there withdrew into the fortress. Truly those who remained of the royal household shut themselves up in the tower of Le Mans. And at once the king of France besieged the tower; and then he attacked it with his engineers and machines, until finally, after three days, it was given over to him with thirty knights and sixty foot-soldiers.

Withdrawing thence he took Montdoubleau through the surrender of the castle and the manor. Truly the viscount of Châteaudun, the occasion of this subversion, or rather the primary cause, an armed man, set an ambush for Geoffrey, count of Vendôme, who was unarmed; and the viscount wounded him so gravely that at first he despaired of his life; but he recovered fully through the grace of God. However the king of France took this personally, because the aforementioned viscount was obligated to the king of France to hurt or oppress none of the king’s men in coming or going during the siege of Le Mans.

Departing from there the castle of Trou was returned to the king, with Roches L’Evêque, Montoire, Chartre, Château du Loire, and the castle of Chaumont, the castle of Amboise and the castle of Rochecorbon. Finally in the following week after the feast of the Nativity of St John [the Baptist], on the sixth day of the week, that is the morrow of the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul, he came to Tours.

On the next Sunday, Count Philip of Flanders, Archbishop William of Rheims and Duke Hugh of Burgundy approached the king of England, who was at Saumur, more by their will than by the royal will, for the purpose of making a settlement between [the kings]. Truly the king of France had proclaimed to them before they began their journey that he would prepare to make an assault on the city from the castle of St Martin, into which he had withdrawn across the river Loire.

On the next Monday, around the third hour, the city was captured by an assault from the bank of the Loire on account of the very small amount of water, ladders having been put against the walls, and in the assault eight knights and one hundred foot-soldiers were captured. Oh misery! On the one hand the Poitevins laid plots against their lord, the king of England; on the other hand the Bretons gave themselves up to the king of France, and they obtained from him letters patent which said that he would in no way make an agreement with the king of England unless the Bretons were released in peace. Truly the king of England, in dire straits, made peace with Philip, king of France, in this way:

"Henry, king of England, has submitted himself in every way to the counsel and will of Philip, king of France, so that whatever the king of France may provide and judge, the king of England will accomplish entirely and without contradiction. Truly then the aforementioned king of England again rendered homage to the king of France because, as we have said above, he had surrendered his lands to his lord the king of France; and the king of France returned his homage to him at the beginning of this settlement. Next it is provided by the king of France that his sister Alais, whom the king of England has in his custody, be returned and given into the custody of one of five men whom Count Richard shall choose. In addition the king of France has provided that it be guaranteed on the oath of the men of the land that his sister be given over to Count Richard upon his return from Jerusalem; and that Count Richard will have the fealty of the men of the lands of his father on each side of the Channel. And no baron or knight who left the king of England in this war and came over to Count Richard will return to the king, unless he does so in the last month before the departure of the king for Jerusalem. The limit of this journey will be in the middle of Lent; thus the aforementioned kings and Count Richard of Poitou will go at that time to Vézelay. And all townspeople of the domainal villages of the king of England in the entire land of France shall be undisturbed in their rightful customs and shall not be impleaded for any matter, unless they transgress by a felony. And the king of England shall give to the king of France 20,000 marks of silver. And all the barons of the king of England will swear that if the king of England shall not wish to maintain these terms, that they will hold with the king of France and Count Richard, and they will help them as far as they are able against the king of England. And the king of France and Count Richard will hold in their hands the city of Le Mans and the castle of Château du Loire and the castle of Trou; or if the king of England shall prefer, the king of France and Count Richard shall hold the castle of Gisors, the castle of Pacy, and the castle of Nonancourt, until at last everything is done which has been devised above by the king of France."

However, Henry, king of England, in the year of the Incarnation of Our Lord Jesus Christ 1189, died in the month of July, the day before the nones [July 6], in the octave of the apostles Peter and Paul, in the 19th lunation, on the fifth day of the week, at Chinon. And he was buried at Fontevrault, in the abbey of the nuns who serving God there.

On the day following his death, when he was being carried to burial, clothed in royal robes, wearing a crown of gold upon his head and wearing gloves on his hands and a gold ring on his finger, a scepter in his hand and gold shoes and spurs on his feet, girded with sword, face uncovered. When this was announced to his son Count Richard, he came quickly to meet him. And that one having arrived, at once blood began to flow from the nostrils of the dead king, as if his spirit was indignant at Richard’s arrival. Then the aforementioned count, mourning and wailing, proceeded with the body of his father all the way to Fontevrault, and there it was buried.

Source.

The Chronicle of "Benedict of Peterborough": The Death of Henry II, 1189

©1994, translated by Scott McLetchie. Permission granted for non-commercial educational use. Specifically allowed are copies for course packets. For any other printed use (including use by university presses), contact Scott McLetchie. Do not duplicate this etext file on other sites.

This text is part of the Internet Medieval Source Book. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts related to medieval and Byzantine history.

Unless otherwise indicated the specific electronic form of the document is copyright. Permission is granted for electronic copying, distribution in print form for educational purposes and personal use. If you do reduplicate the document, indicate the source. No permission is granted for commercial use.

Medieval Sourcebook: Henry II of England: Grant of a Gild to the Oxford Cordwainers, 1175

The cordwainers derived their name from the Spanish leather or cord wain which they used in the manufacture of shoes. Henry II granted many such liberties in the closing years of his reign in exchange for an annual fine payable at the Exchequer.

Know ye that I have granted and confirmed to the corvesars of Oxford all the liberties and customs which they had in the time of King Henry, my grandfather, and that they have their guild, so that none carry on their trade in the town of Oxford, except he be of that guild.

I grant also that the cordwainers who afterwards may come into the town of Oxford shall be of the same guild and shall have the same liberties and customs which the corvesars had or ought to have.

For this grant and confirmation, however, the corvesars and cordwainers ought to pay me every year an ounce of gold.

Source.

From: Roy C. Cave & Herbert H. Coulson, eds., A Source Book for Medieval Economic History, (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Co., 1936; reprint ed., New York: Biblo & Tannen, 1965), pp. 237-238.

Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg.

This text is part of the Internet Medieval Source Book. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts related to medieval and Byzantine history.

Emperor Henry IV: Tolls on Craftsmen at Coblenz, 1104

The Emperor Henry IV renewed or confirmed a grant of the tolls at Coblenz previously made by Archbishop Poppo to the monastery of St. Simeon. The right to collect tolls could be granted in the same way as the right to hold a fief. This document is of special interest because of its references to tolls levied on travelling craftsmen.

Bakers of that place, whoever they be, or wherever they be, who sell bread there will give one loaf to the toll-gatherer every Sunday, or one obole every fourteen days.

Cobblers, coming from elsewhere, will not dare to sell shoes there without permission of the tollgatherer or of his officer. Cobblers of this place convene three times voluntarily at the court, and then each will give one denarius, and on the feast of St. Martin, five denarii.

Also, the tax of shoemakers coming from elsewhere will be given to them from Lady Day up to Martinmas. But for this they will give the toll-gatherer and eight monks a good banquet. But the toll-gatherer will give them six set rs of wine, and a cheese which can be carried in one hand.

Source:

H. G. Gengler, ed., Codex Juris Municipalis Germaniae, (Erlangen: F. Enke, 1867), p. 499; reprinted in Roy C. Cave & Herbert H. Coulson, A Source Book for Medieval Economic History, (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Co., 1936; reprint ed., New York: Biblo & Tannen, 1965), p.408.

Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg.

This text is part of the Internet Medieval Sourcebook. The Sourcebook is a collection of public domain and copy-permitted texts related to medieval and Byzantine history.

רשימת קריאה מומלצת:

Hallam, E.M. “The Tower of London as a record office,” Archives 14(61), 1979, pp 3-10
Keene, Darek. “Tall Buildings in Medieval London: Precipitation, Aspiration and Thrills,” The London Journal 33(3), 2008, pp 201-215.
Thurley, Simon. “Royal Lodgings at The Tower of London 1216-1327,” Architectural History 38, 1995, pp. 36-57.

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